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Commentary Robert Whitcomb Commentary Robert Whitcomb

Karen Dolan: Criminalizing being poor

Here’s something you might not know about , Mo. In this city of 21,000 people, 16,000 have outstanding arrest warrants. In fact, in 2013 alone, authorities issued 9,000 warrants for over 32,000 offenses.

That’s one-and-a-half offenses for every resident of Ferguson in just one year.

Most of the warrants are for minor offenses such as traffic or parking violations. And they’re part of a structural pattern of abuse, according to a recent Department of Justice investigation.

The damning report found that the city prioritized aggressive revenue collection over public safety. It documented unconstitutional policing, violations of due process, and racial bias against the majority black population.

One woman’s story illustrates what’s happening to more and more people as municipal revenues become the focus of police departments all over the country.

It began with a parking ticket back in 2007, which saddled a low-income black woman with a $151 fine and extra fees. In economic distress and frequently homeless, she was unable to pay. So she was hit with new fines and fees — and eventually an arrest warrant that landed her in jail.

By 2010, she’d paid the court $550 for the single parking violation, but more penalties had accrued. She attempted to make payments of $25 and $50, but the court rejected those partial installments.

Even after being jailed and paying hundreds of dollars above the original fine, she still owes the court $541 — all because she lacked the money to pay the initial fees.

This woman’s story is repeating itself in town after town.

A 2014 NPR investigation found people who wound up in jail after coming up short on fines for a range of minor offenses — such as catching a fish out of season in Ionia, Michigan, shoplifting a $2 can of beer in Augusta, Georgia, or hanging out in an abandoned building in Grand Rapids.

It’s even worse for the homeless. A majority of cities now prohibit sitting or lying down in public, and nearly a quarter make it a crime to ask for food or money.

I’ve co-authored a report at the Institute for Policy Studies called “The Poor Get Prison,” which examines the growing phenomenon of local communities “criminalizing poverty.” That means targeting, arresting, and downright bilking people for misdemeanor offenses, debt, and lack of resources.

We find that as state and local budgets were squeezed following the 2008 recession, local authorities all over the country levied more fines and fees on those people least able to pay — and aggressively pursued them.

Even after their debt is paid, these can people face discrimination in employment, housing, and social services because of the jail time they racked up when they were unable to pay.

Fines aren’t the only way the courts are shaking down poor people. The report details another increasingly lucrative revenue raiser for both local and federal coffers: civil asset forfeiture. This is the odious practice of seizing cash and property from people not charged with any crime and who can’t afford legal defense.

Not even kids are safe. From pre-school on, poor and black children are often considered criminals.

Police presence in schools has been increasing since the 1990s. Combined with the rise of “Zero Tolerance” policies, children in low-income schools are prosecuted as criminals for everything from brawling on the basketball court to doodling on a desk. In Austin, Texas, a 12-year-old ended up in court for putting on perfume.

When a community issues arrest warrants for more offenses than it has residents, something’s deeply wrong. A democratic society that purports “freedom and justice for all” can’t coexist with one that profiles and criminalizes poor people and communities of color.

Karen Dolan is a senior fellow at the Institute for Policy Studies and co-author of the report “The Poor Get Prison: The Alarming Spread of the Criminalization of Poverty.” IPS-dc.org.report . Distributed by

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Commentary Robert Whitcomb Commentary Robert Whitcomb

Our own speed trap; arrogant SUV'ers

The stories about the Ferguson, Mo., police using big fines from trivial traffic violations, especially against African-American drivers (who are, it is true, a majority in that city), as a major municipal revenue source sounds like a variant of some communities in New England. East Providence, R.I., is one of those "speed traps'' that works very hard to get as much revenue as it can from hapless drivers who find themselves into that confusing labyrinth, with its notoriously bad signage. Some  forward-looking drivers might want to avoid that burg entirely.

xxx

What is it about the arrogance of SUV drivers that makes them speed through streets narrowed by snow banks and push everyone else  aside -- people in normal cars as well as pedestrians?

Is it because they're sitting so high above the street and that they think they can use the sheer size of their hideous gas-guzzlers to force everyone else off the road? Or do they think they're better than other drivers because they have been able to afford one of these disgusting vehicles?

And they're even worse at night because SUV's have blinding lights. Where is the National Transportation Safety Administration when we need them?  But wait a minute. A lot of lobbyists have these things.

--- Robert Whitcomb

 

 

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Commentary Robert Whitcomb Commentary Robert Whitcomb

Chris Powell: The big problem isn't racist cops

MANCHESTER, Conn. 
Does racism explain why white police officers are abusing black criminal 
suspects more often than they abuse white suspects, as asserted by the clamor 
over the recent fatal incidents in Ferguson, Mo., and  New 
York City? 

Since there is racism among all groups, racism surely is part of such abuse. But 
racism can't explain all hostile racial interaction with police, since crime 
itself is racially disproportionate, as is poverty, which also correlates with 
crime. If racism explained the racially disproportionate composition of 
Connecticut's prison population -- about 80 percent from minorities -- the state 
would have to be largely racist rather than, as it is, largely indifferent to 
race. 

And the black men killed in the incidents with the white cops in Missouri and 
New York were not picked on for their race. The man in Missouri had just robbed 
a store, walked in the middle of the street to show his contempt for society, 
and got mouthy with and maybe even attacked the officer who confronted him. The 
man in New York was selling untaxed cigarettes and weighed 400 pounds and was 
asthmatic and was thus especially unwise to resist arrest as he did. So while 
the judgment of the police in those incidents may be questioned, it is not 
surprising that investigations cleared them. 

Yes, some cops love the chance to bully and even beat people on any pretext, 
usually without regard to race. Power corrupts in every occupation. Enfield, Conn.,
learned as much this year from the many brutality complaints brought against one 
of its police officers, causing his dismissal. Bridgeport learned as much this 
year as two of its officers were sent to prison for an incident three years ago 
in which they kicked and stomped a man who was disabled by a stun gun and lying 
on the ground unresisting, brutality caught on cellphone video. 

While measures to increase accountability in police work -- like body cameras -- 
may reduce corruption by power, power will always cause it. The bigger issue is 
what can be done to reduce the racial disproportions in crime and poverty. 

No one in Connecticut needs to go to Missouri or New York to confront these 
issues. Indeed, the emphasis on the Missouri and New York cases here and 
throughout the country is largely distraction, pious posturing to make its 
participants feel righteous. 

Connecticut has many such posturers. They have held demonstrations about the 
Missouri and New York cases while overlooking better-documented cases of police 
excess close to home. 

Last week those posturers included the basketball team of Weaver High School, in 
Hartford, whose members wore T-shirts emblazoned with "I can't breathe," the 
last words of the asthmatic who was wrestled to death by the police in New York, 
a slogan now popular with race mongers throughout the country. Yet only a few 
weeks earlier people in Connecticut of all races had been shocked by security 
camera video of a Hartford police officer's unprovoked assault on an unarmed 
black teenager. 

The teen had been running toward the officer but stopped and stood still, hands 
at his sides, about 25 feet away. Still, the officer strode purposefully toward 
him while aiming a stun gun at him, firing it from about 10 feet away. The teen 
fell backward, hitting his head on the sidewalk and going into convulsions. 

Having viewed the video, even Gov. Dannel Malloy said he was "momentarily 
sickened." But while the teen assaulted by the officer was black, so was the 
officer himself, the police department somehow cleared him, and the governor's 
revulsion was indeed only momentary. His sympathetic comment got him past the 
brief political uproar about the incident and he hasn't mentioned it since. 

For apparently abuse of black people by black officers is OK because it can't be 
exploited racially and signifies that the problems of police work and criminal 
justice go far beyond the racial attitudes of cops and the solutions of the race 
mongers. 

Chris Powell is managing editor of the Journal Inquirer, in Manchester, Conn.
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Commentary Robert Whitcomb Commentary Robert Whitcomb

Chris Powell: Videotape cops at work all the time

(Apologies for the format problem on  this)

MANCHESTER, Coon.

On the whole, police officers are far more sinned against than sinning, but 
that's why they're police officers, the ones with the badges and guns, the ones 
supposed to be the good guys. But it's a difficult job and indications are 
growing that many officers are not fit for it. 

Those indications -- largely the result of the new ubiquity of security and 
mobile-phone video cameras -- are getting scary. 

Several such indications have arisen from the recent rioting and demonstrations 
in Ferguson, Mo., where a white officer shot a young and unarmed black man. 

Of course, many people have rushed to judgment about the shooting. It is more 
plausible that the officer shot the young man while the young man was charging 
at the officer than that the officer shot him for fun. But rioting and 
demonstrations are no excuse for police to go wild. To the contrary, that's when 
police conduct must be most careful -- and in Missouri it hasn't been. 

The other day in Ferguson an officer was videotaped pointing his military rifle 
at peaceful demonstrators and news reporters, cursing them and threatening to 
shoot them until another officer led him away. The first officer was suspended. 

Another Missouri officer was suspended recently after  a video of a lecture he had 
given was publicized. In the lecture the officer described himself as an 
"indiscriminate killer," adding, "I'm into diversity -- I kill everybody," and, 
"If you don't want to get killed, don't show up in front of me -- it's that 
simple." 

He has been placed on desk duty pending review. 

A third Missouri officer was suspended for commenting that the protesters in 
Ferguson "should be put down like rabid dogs." 

All three officers probably will go back on the beat when the controversy fades. 
There's not enough accountability in government. 

But Connecticut residents don't have to go to Missouri to worry about police 
brutality and psychologically unfit officers. 

Two months ago two Bridgeport officers pleaded guilty to federal civil-rights 
charges for their stomping an unarmed petty criminal as he lay helpless on the 
ground following his disabling by a stun gun. The assault was captured on video 
by a passerby. The city will pay the petty criminal $198,000 in damages and the 
two officers have resigned and have promised never to seek police work again. 

Enfield's Police Department is dealing with the heavy-handedness of an officer 
who has been investigated on complaints of misconduct 17 times in seven years. 
In the most recent case, cruiser dashboard video shows him pummeling a man said 
to be resisting arrest. The state's attorney won't prosecute either man. 

And last week cell-phone and security-camera video recorded a Hartford officer 
using a stun gun on a young man who had obeyed his command to stop and was 
standing still, hands at his sides, 10 feet away. The officer continued to 
advance on the young man and shoting the stun gun at him from 4 feet away. Even 
Gov. Dannel  Malloy, speaking to a meeting of concerned citizens in Hartford, said 
he was shocked. The Hartford Police Department is investigating. 

For their protection and the public's, all police officers should be videotaped 
all the time -- and this would be easy to do, as there 
are not just dashboard cameras, already widely in use, but small cameras that 
can be affixed to uniforms and can record as much as 45 hours of image and 
sound. 

The recent death of a man who was choked to death during his arrest in New York 
City has prompted the city's public advocate, Letitia James, to propose 
equipping all city police with uniform cameras. Connecticut law should require 
this. 

If Governor Malloy really was shocked the other day, he should propose such a 
requirement before the November election. His Republican challenger, Tom Foley, 
should endorse the idea as well. It is a matter of basic accountability in 
government. 

 
Chris Powell is managing editor of the Journal Inquirer, in Manchester, Conn.
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